Gender inequality in the spread of HIV AIDS

Gender inequality in the spread of HIV supportIn December 2002, Kofi Annan, the Secretary General of the United Nations at the time wrote in the New York Times, AIDS has a womans face (2002). Women constitute 57 percent of infections in sub-Saharan African countries that atomic number 18 experiencing HIV epidemics (UNAIDS give notice (of) 2004). Furthermore in sub-Saharan Africa, young women aged 15 to 24 ar more than three times as likely to be infected as young men (UNAIDS Report 2004). In this essay I bequeath argue, with an emphasis on sub-Saharan Africa that the feminised epidemic that is taking place is being exacerbated largely due to Gender Inequality. I leave alone argue this is the case because this is because women ar socially, economically, and culturally more susceptible to infection than men. Prevalent issues such(prenominal) as womens fiscal dependence on men, both physical and intimate abuse from their partners and the fact that it is customary for males to have multiple partners are key gender aspects that are crucial to the spread of HIV/AIDS in the region. I will start by defining what is meant by Gender Inequality and why it is all-important(prenominal) in this context and then consider the reasons with an emphasis on notions of masculinity and femininity to explain why the proportion of women being infected is rising. However, although this essay will primarily focus on women, it is important to note the gender aspects relating to the spread of HIV amongst men, in particular the pressure to per radiation diagram and satisfy multiple knowledgeable partners. Throughout the essay I will relate the issue of gender inequality to the themes of globalisation, poverty and governance and leadership whilst giving reference to the examples of Nigeria, Uganda and South Africa to assert my argument. So what exactly is gender inequality and why is it important? When talking about gender inequality in sub-Saharan Africa, the issue is clear. T allis relates the end point best, remarking that we are analysing the position and status of women in relation to the position of men and the position of new(prenominal) women (2000 59). The importance of gender inequality cannot be underestimated as it is explicit at all stages of the prevention-care continuum. Gender inequality is perhaps the main problem area impeding HIV/AIDS prevention (Tallis 2000 60). Furthermore, reports by several non-governmental organizations such as UNESCO, the UNAIDS Inter-Agency Task Team on Education and the Global Campaign for Education recognise that gender issues are key to the problem of HIV and AIDS (Oxfam 2008 11). It is undisputed in the specialist HIV/AIDS field that gender roles and unequal gender relations are fuelling the epidemic by rendering women vulnerable to HIV/AIDS. Gender inequality is most commonly seen in notions of masculinity and femininity across African societies. In South Africa, culture is generally male-dominated, with w omen traditionally given a lower social status. Men are interact to believe that women are inferior and should be under their control women are socialised to over-respect men and act submissively towards them (Health24 2009). In addition to their lower status, black African women generally have less get to to safe housing and are often dependent on their male partners as breadwinners for support (Petros 2006 72). Sex, for instance continues to this day to be defined primarily in terms of male want with women being the relatively passive recipients of these passions(Seidel 2000).Dr. Seggasne Musisi, head of psychiatric consultation at Mulago Hospital relates stiffly the psychology of versed behaviour in Uganda. Control of sexual relations is purely with men. Women have no cultural or legal power to either promote or control their sexual health (Human Rights insure 2003). In these male-dominated societies, the risk of HIV/AIDS is exacerbated further by risky sexual practise, both by men and by women (which will be discussed later). traditionally men are accustomed to have multiple partners and practise sex outside of a relationship, yet even suspected infidelity on a womans part is socially unacceptable and can easily solving in hysteria or social exclusion (Ackerman and de Klerk 2002 169). Misconceptions of prophylactic use in African societies only worsen the situation. Women are largely afraid to introduce subject of prophylactic protection for fear of domestic violence either for suspecting their husbands of having extramarital personal matters or because they might be accused of adultery (Human Rights Watch 2003). Margaret Namusisi, 25 years old from Uganda explains the response when she asked her husband to wear a condom. When I herald him to use a condom he refuses. He accuses me of having new(prenominal) men. (Human Rights Watch 2003) There was also the concern from women that if they asked to use condoms during sex, it would lead to violence o r financial abandonment (World Health Organization 2003). Namusisi comments on the reaction she faces when she refuses to have sex without protection, He goes away and doesnt provide. So I have sex with him so that he can look after the children and wont fight (Human Rights Watch 2003) Globalisation and national economic policies have played a major role in heightening existing gender inequalities, increasing the economic dependence women have on their partners. The World Health organization has repeatedly criticized the impact globalization has had in sub- Saharan Africa, forwarding Nigeria as an example. It argues that, in Nigeria, globalisation has benefited the rich (mostly men) just penalised the poor, less educated, low skilled or unemployed fall within this other group, which relate to women (1990). What this equates to is that the average Nigerian woman regains it increasingly hard to leave abusive or risk based relationships because of increased economic dependence (Zierl er and Krieger 1998). clayey criticism has been levelled also at the Structural Adjustment Program that was incorporated into developing countries. Despite the many benefits that Structural Adjustment Programmes provide to developing countries such as building up economies and changing national legislature in order to create an environment more open to incoming investment from overseas SAPs have many flaws. PrimarilySAPs the main flaw affects the supply and the demand for health services through health spending cuts and also by reducing family income, which leaves people with less money for necessary treatment. (World Health Organization). Yet many are denied access to appropriate preventive and curative services especially in parts of the world where their needs are greatest. As the epidemic has progressed, women have taken increasing responsibility for those who are sick or orphaned by AIDS yet they have been allowed little influence over the relevant policy and planning decisi ons (Doyal in Tallis 200087). It is important to note that this is not solo the case in Nigeria, but in the majority of sub- Saharan Africa where poverty affects 315 million people and one in two of people in cuneus Saharan Africa survive on less than one dollar per day (Food4Africa 2011) What SAPs and the aforementioned factors produce a society where poverty drives Women recreateing to increasingly risky sexual behaviours as part of multiple livelihood strategies (Ahonsi 1999) Entering prostitution is not a personal choice in many cases but the last resort of women who have been structurally disadvantaged in every way and left with no other resource but their bodies (Schoepf 1998 65). It is widely recognised that men will pay more to have sex without a condom, which the sex workers find difficult to refuse due to their financial problems. Moreover, with the HIV/AIDS epidemic punishing in the poorest parts of the world with 90% of HIV positive cases living in the developing wor ld UNAIDS/WHO (1997) it is vital to have constitutional guidelines to safeguard the world from the growing epidemic. The lack of both extensive guidelines and implementation of procedures within national constitutions for extensive responses to HIV/AIDS leads to situation where gender inequality will inescapably worsen For instance the Nigerian Constitution legislates for the protection of human rights but there is a need to create explicit benchmarks and guidelines to implement and develop effective rights-based response to gender inequality and HIV/AIDS (Aniekwu 2002 35). South Africa has brought in laws detailing measures on promoting womens rights in what had been a predominantly patriarchal society among whites as well as blacks, the ANC has legalised abortion, given women equal power in marriage, cracking down on domestic violence and banning gender discrimination amongst other initaitives (Economist 2010). On paper South Africa has one of the worlds most commendable constit ution containing an impressive legal arsenals for protecting womens rights and is ranked 4th out of 53 countries with regards to this (Economist 2010). hardly the gap between principle and practice is often wide (Economist 2010) with women still more likely to be unemployed and 40% admit that their first lie with of sex was a rape (Economist 2010). Furthermore intimate partner violence is associated with increased levels of HIV risk behaviour, examples being multiple partners, high levels of prostitution and unreasonable substance use. A potential link between HIV status and domestic violence has also been recognized with studies from Africa showing an increased risk of violence when the man is HIV positive (van der Straten in WHO 200354) or when the woman perceives herself to be at high risk of acquiring HIV from the man (Coker AL and Richter DL in WHO 2003 54) Before concluding, it is important that the Government is the responsible party under relevant international instrumen ts to protect rights (Aniekwu 2002 35). But Presidents such as South Africas Jacob Zuma are doing nothing but aggravating the controversial issue of gender inequality through their own actions. Zuma used traditional notions of gender roles within Zulu society to form the basis of his defence against rape allegations claiming sexual intercourse with his accuser was demanded by his status as a Zulu male and to deny a woman sex in Zulu culture when she is ready would be tantamount to rape (Andrews 2007 44). The Zuma case not only exposed national concerns about a culture of violence towards women but also revealed the ways in which gender roles were related via cultural norms. To conclude, It is important to note that men do suffer also as a result of gender inequality. For men, the pressure to perform sexually and with many partners places them at risk of HIV infection (Tallis 2000 58). The male-orientated culture present in sub-Saharan African societies factor that many men wont see k HIV services due to a fear of stigma and discrimination and the perception of being labelled wanton in such a male dominated society, which then has an impact on their wives or partners. Both Education and Health Programmes can improve access to services for both women and men by removing financial barriers, bringing services closer to local communities and tackling HIV/AIDS. In this essay I have shown the combining of their sexuality and gender disadvantage in terms of cultural, economic and social factors places women more at risk of infection than men. Gender inequality has undoubtedly been a driving force in the spread of HIV/AIDS and will continue to do so until traditional notions of the roles of men and women are overhauled. As whilst, the strike culture placed towards women continues, the HIV/AIDS HIV/AIDS epidemic will be remain feminised and sub-Saharan African women will still find themselves faced with overt prejudice.